Pre-activity Health Screening Case Study

Pre-activity Health Screening Case Study When an inactive person decides to participate in physical activity for the first time, there is a risk of possible major coronary problems. Sharkey and Gaskill (2007) state that inactive people who decide to start an activity are five times more at risk during vigorous exercise. The risk of engaging in exercise varies by the type of exercise and intensity, which a person participates in. This would mean the individual with cardiovascular problems is more at risk of having coronary problems. Sharkey and Gaskill (2007). As suggested by NHS Choices (n.d.) the risk can be dramatically reduced when completing a pre-activity health screening. Pre-activity health screening is a tool used mostly by exercise professionals. It refers to the process of collecting information about an individuals medical history and health status Heaney and Goodey (2012, p.136). This normally involves completion of a physical activity readiness questionnaire (PAR-Q). In addition physiological measures would also be done like height, weight, body mass index (BMI) body-fat percentage and waist-to-hip ratio (WHR). These are necessary to identify any further potential risks factors a person has relating to coronary heart disease(CHD)Heaney and Goody (2012) The American College of Sports Medicine (ACSM) cited in Heaney and Goodey (2012, p.139) recommended that people are categorized into low, medium and high-risk factors. For example, primary risk factors are those at the highest risk, this includes hypertension, cigarette smoking and those with high-cholesterol levels. Secondary risk factors are those classified as medium risk. For example, diabetes type one and two obesity and physical inactivity. Furthermore, the non-modifiable risk factors are classified as low risk. This would include men over 45 and women over 55, in addition to gender and a family history of heart disease. Another important factor is customer care, Sinka, I. (2012) suggested that if a fitness company wants to offer their services to a customer, then the customer needs to believe the service is worth taken part in. Not only does a pre-activity health screening ensure that the correct exercise programmes are offered, but also helps to understand and meet the customer needs. Furthermore, It is necessary for health and safety reasons. Completion of a pre-activity health screening demonstrates that health, and safety is always being considered. Similarly, as suggested by Jason Wamala pre active health screening reduces the risk against potential legal liability to the organization and employees. The open University (2008) Do Daisys results from the health screening physiological measurements fall into healthy ranges. The results show a number of risk factors that are likely to lead to the development of cardiovascular disease. Daisy is 55 years-old sources from ACSM, 2006; Woolf-May, (2006) cited in Heaney and Goodey (2012, p.139) implies that Daisy is at risk to coronary heart disease genetic or lifestyle factors cause plaque to be build-up in your arteries as you age. By the time youre middle-aged or older, enough plaque has built up to cause signs or symptoms. National heart and lung Institute (n.d.) Blood pressure tends to rise with age this could indicate part of the reason why Daisy has a resting blood pressure of 160/100 millimeters of mercury (mmHg), this indicates that Daisy has high blood pressure referred to as stage two hypertension. The Open University (2008) suggested that high blood pressure greater than 140/90 mmHg can dramatically increase your risk of developing cardiovascular disease such as heart attack or stroke. Marie Toms suggested that it may be worth retesting Daisy more than once The Open University (2008). National heart and lung Institute (n.d.) suggested that blood pressure did not stay the same throughout the day. It is a lot lower while you sleep and rise when you wake up. Blood pressure tends to rise when youre excited, nervous or active. If your blood pressure is above average most of the time, youre at risk to CHD. Daisys resting heart rate is ninety six beats per minute (bpm), the average bpm should be between sixty to one hundred bpm, NHS, (n.d.). However, Daisy is within the guidelines yet still at risk. NHS (n.d.) states that the resting heart rate is the number of beats in one minute when the body are at a complete resting state so the more your heart beats the more strain you put on your heart. Looking at Daisys body mass index (bmi) which is 29.01, this indicates that Daisy has an increased health risk. Using the guidelines from Sharkey and Gaskill (2007, p.242.), indicates that Daisy has a desirable BMI of between nineteen to twenty five. Sharkey and Gaskill (2007) also suggested that having a higher than desired BMI puts Daisy more at risk of atherosclerotic heart disease and hypertension. Since Daisy is inactive, and the results from the BMI indicate she is overweight NHS, (n.d.) suggested that these are 2 factors that have an increase risk of hypertension waist to hip ratio of 0.9 would indicate that Daisy has she is above average 0.86(study guide) this would indicate Daisy is more at risk In particular, heart disease, high blood pressure and diabetes develop when the inflammatory effects of that mass of fat hit your blood vessels Sharkey and Gaskill (2007) This would indicate why this individuals body fat percentage is so high, 25 for women is average so 33 percent is bad. The excess weight can put you at increased risk of heart disease, stroke and type two diabetes. To conclude Daisy needs to make some big life changes to avoid being at risk of CHD. For example, exercise regular to help her lose weight, lower her BMI and WHR. In addition to lowering her risk factors to CHD. Outline how physical activity could have a positive effect on Daisys health. Daisy is overweight and is bordering obesity with a BMI of 29.01, Sharkey and Gaskill (2007) suggested that obesity along with lack of activity has been suspected to have a link between coronary artery disease (CAD), hypertension and type two diabetes. For example, an increase level of blood lipids (fat) in the body increases insulin resistance. This means that the insulin-resistant cells cant take in glucose. Glucose levels then rise, which results in the release of more insulin, this in turn increases blood pressure causing possible hypertension and type two diabetes. Sharkey and Gaskill (2007) For example, a study was published by Morris and raffle (1954) cited in Sharkey and Gaskill (2007, p.17.) Showing a link between inactivity and CAD, the bus drivers were tested along with the conductors. The conductors were more active then the bus drivers and were shown to have a 30 percent lower risk of CAD then the bus drivers. It is also suggested by NHS (n.d.) that inactivity increases the risk of hypertension by thirty-five percent. The result published by (Morris and raffle) would suggest that physical activity would benefit Daisy and lower her risk to hypertension and CAD. In addition, People with very high blood pressure are three times more likely to experience CAD and four times more likely to get congestive heart failure then others. Sharkey and Gaskill (2007). Research has shown that physical activity can reduce blood pressure, in middle-aged and older women and Any inactive person engaging in exercise has a 60 percent lower risk of heart attack. Sharkey and Gaskill (2007). It is suggested that regular physical activity help prevent CHD by increasing the efficiency of the cardiovascular system, and example would be increased blood volume and decreased blood pressure. Daisy also runs her own business, which suggested Daisy may be under stress. Sharkey and Gaskill (2007) suggested that stress is associated with heart disease and hypertension. To conclude daisy needs to include some regular moderate activity may minimize the effects of stress and more importantly reduce the risk from cardiovascular disease. What legislation governs health and safety in a sports and fitness facility, and how might these relate to this incident? (250 words/13 marks) Health and safety requirements are supported by tort law. This is a wide area of law covering areas such as negligence and occupiers liability. For example, Heaney and Goody (2012) negligence in tort law concerns situations where a person suffers injuries due to carelessness, forgetfulness or thoughtlessness due to the results of another person. This would mean that person has breached their legal duty to take care. It would make them liable to that person for negligence. An example would be Susan the 14-year-old daughter of Alistair, the father and daughter are fully aware of the health clubs policy relating to no under-16s, and every member has to complete a gym induction and health screening. The father owes a duty of care to his daughter, as he should be competent to understand the policies that the gym has in place. In addition, Goodey, J (2008) p152) suggested that an occupier may not be liable for injuries to a child if accompanied by someone competent enough to look after them. Furthermore, statute law refers to the act of law made by parliament, this includes the health and safety at work act 1974 (HASWA 1974). For example, HASWA 1974) cited in Heaney and Goody (2012) 153 an employer must undertake all necessary measures to ensure visitors to their premises are not exposed to risks of health and safety. There is the management of health and safety at work regulations 1999 (MHSWR 1999) MHSWR 1999) cited in Heaney and Goody (2012) state that management running a health and safety facility are required to conduct a risk assessment to ensure the welfare of employees and visitors. Consequently, the fact Susan was still able to access the gym after claiming to be using the pool only may indicate that the employer has not taken all the necessary measures that fall under (HASWA 1974) and (MHSWR 1999). Discuss whether or not Alistair and his 14-year-old daughter Susan would have a case for a claim for negligence against the facility. There are many factors to consider that explain why Susan may not have a claim for negligence against the facility. One consideration may be that it falls within the occupiers liability act 1984 cited in Goodey, J (2008 p.151) states that a person who controls the premises is responsible for allowing or preventing access to visitors. It can be argued that Susan gained access to an unauthorized part to the facility. Therefore, the duty of care expected of the facilities owner was not met. This would be due to insufficient security measures to prevent unauthorized access to non gym members and people under the age of sixteen. However, Alistair is Susans father so already has a duty of care toward his child. Alistair is already a member of the gym, he has participated in an induction and health screening. Alistair is aware of the facilities policy that under sixteens are not allowed within the gym area therefore, Alistair has been a regular user with the facility. You would therefore expect Alistair to have a higher standard of competence. In addition, Susan is fourteen years old, it is thought that age fourteen they would have some awareness. (Heaney and Goody (2012) Susan went on to use a piece of gym equipment inappropriately, which highlights the cause of her injury. You could argue that the instructor supervising the gym at the time breached the duty of care for inadequate supervision. (Heaney and Goody (2012) However, the gym instructor would assume that all members in the gym at the time would have met the gym requirements and completed the induction and health screening. In addition, the instructors response to the accident was immediate and appropriate, as a result would indicate that the facility takes its duty of care seriously. To conclude the majority of Susan and Alistairs own negligence may have contributed to her injuries. Therefore, it would be suggested that Alistair and his 14-year-old daughter Susan would not have a case for negligence against the facility. Word count 1989

Linguistics and Interjections Essay

In Western philosophy and linguistic theory, interjections—that is, words like oof, ouch, and bleah—have traditionally been understood to indicate emotional states. This article offers an account of interjections in Q’eqchi’ Maya that illuminates their social and discursive functions. In particular, it discusses the grammatical form of interjections, both in Q’eqchi’ and across languages, and characterizes the indexical objects and pragmatic functions of interjections in Q’eqchi’ in terms of a semiotic framework that may be generalized for other languages. With these grammatical forms, indexical objects, and pragmatic functions in hand, it details the various social and discursive ends that interjections serve in one Q’eqchi’ community, thereby shedding light on local values, norms, ontological classes, and social relations. In short, this article argues against interpretations of interjections that focus on internal emotional states by providing an account of their meanings in terms of situational, discursive, and social context. p a u l k o c k e l m a n is McKennan Post-Doctoral Fellow in Linguistic Anthropology in the Department of Anthropology at Dartmouth College (Hanover, N.H. 03755, U.S.A. [paul.kockelman@dartmouth.edu]). Born in 1970, he was educated at the University of California, Santa Cruz (B.A., 1992) and the University of Chicago (M.S., 1994; Ph.D., 2002). His publications include â€Å"The Collection of Copal among the Q’eqchi’-Maya† (Research in Economic Anthropology 20:163–94), â€Å"Factive and Counterfactive Clitics in Q’eqchi’-Maya: Stance, Status, and Subjectivity,† in Papers from the Thirty-eighth Annual Regional Meeting of the Chicago Linguistics Society (Chicago: Linguistics Society, in press), and â€Å"The Interclausal Relations Hierarchy in Q’eqchi’ Maya† (International Journal of American Linguistics 69:25–48). The present paper was submitted 1 vi 01 and accepted 27 xii 02. 1. A longer version of this article was presented at the workshop â€Å"Semiotics: Culture in Context† at the University of Chicago in January 2001. Chris Ball, Anya Bernstein, John Lucy, and Michael Silverstein all provided very helpful commentary. This article also greatly beneï ¬ ted from suggestions made by Benjamin S. Orlove and several anonymous referees. Western philosophy and linguistic theory have traditionally considered interjections at the periphery of language and primordially related to emotion. For example, the Latin grammarian Priscian deï ¬ ned interjections as â€Å"a part of speech signifying an emotion by means of an unformed word† (Padley 1976:266). Muller (1862)  ¨ thought that interjections were at the limit of what might be called language. Sapir (1921:6–7) said that they were â€Å"the nearest of all language sounds to instinctive utterance.† Bloomï ¬ eld (1984[1933]:177) said that they â€Å"occur under a violent stimulus,† and Jakobson (1960: 354) considered them exemplars of the â€Å"purely emotive stratum of language.† While interjections are no longer considered peripheral to linguistics and are now carefully deï ¬ ned with respect to their grammatical form, their meanings remain vague and elusive. In particular, although interjections are no longer characterized pure ly in terms of emotion, they are still characterized in terms of â€Å"mental states.† For example, Wierzbicka (1992:164) characterizes interjections as â€Å"[referring] to the speaker’s current mental state or mental act.† Ameka (1992a:107) says that â€Å"from a pragmatic point of view, interjections may be deï ¬ ned as a subset of items that encode speaker attitudes and communicative intentions and are contextbound,† and Montes (1999:1289) notes that many interjections â€Å"[focus] on the internal reaction of affectedness of the speaker with respect to the referent.† Philosophers have offered similar interpretations. For example, Herder thought that interjections were the human equivalent of animal sounds, being both a â€Å"language of feeling† and a â€Å"law of nature† (1966:88), and Rousseau, pursuing the origins of language, theorized that protolanguage was â€Å"entirely interjectional† (1990:71). Indeed, such philosophers have posited a historical transition from interjections to language in which the latter allows us not only to index pain and express passion but also to denote values and exercise reason (D’Atri 1995).2 Thus interjections have been understood as a semiotic artifact of our natural origins and the most transparent index of our emotions. Such an understanding of interjections is deeply rooted in Western thought. Aristotle (1984), for example, posited a contrastive relationship between voice, proper only to humans as instantiated in language, and sound, shared by humans and animals as instantiated in cries. This contrastive relation was then compared with other analogous contrastive relations, in particular, value and pleasure/pain, polis and household, and bios (the good life, or political life proper to humans) and zoe (pure life, shared by all living things). Such a contrast is so pervasive that modern philosophers such as Agamben (1995) have devoted much of their scholarly work to the thinking out of this tradition and others built on it such as id versus ego in the Freudian paradigm. In short, the folk distinction made between interjections and language 2. D’Atri (1995:124) argues that, for Rousseau, â€Å"interjections . . . are sounds and not voices: they are passive registerings and as such do not presuppose the intervention of will, which is what characterizes human acts of speech.† Proper maps onto a larger set of distinctions in Western thought: emotion and cognition, animality and humanity, nature and culture, female and male, passion and reason, bare life and the good life, pain and value, private and public, and so on (see, e.g., Lutz 1988, Strathern 1988). In this article I avoid such abstracting and dichotomizing traps by going straight to the heart of interjections: their everyday usage in actual discourse when seen in the context of local culture and grounded in a semiotic framework. I begin by characterizing the linguistic and ethnographic context in which I carried out my research and go on to relate interjections to other linguistic forms, showing how they are both similar to and distinct from other classes of words in natural languages. Next I provide and exemplify a semiotic framework, generalizable across languages, in terms of which the indexical objects and pragmatic functions of interjections can best be characterized. Then I detail the local usage of the 12 most commonly used interjections in Q’eqchi’ and show the way in which they are tied into all things cultural: values, norms, ontological classes, social relations, and so on. I conclude by discussing the relative frequency with which the various forms and functions of interjections are used. In short, I argue against interpretations of interjections that focus on emotional states by providing an account of their meanings in terms of situational, discursive, and social context. Linguistic and Ethnographic Context While I am attempting to provide as wide a theoretical account of interjections as I can, thereby providing a metalanguage for speaking about similar sign phenomena in other languages, I am also trying to capture the grammatical niceties of Q’eqchi’ Maya and the discursive and social particularities of one Q’eqchi’-speaking village in particular. Before I begin my analysis, then, I want to sketch the linguistic and ethnographic context in which I worked. Q’eqchi’ is a language in the Kichean branch of the Mayan family, spoken by some 360,000 speakers in Guatemala (in the departments of Alta Verapaz, Izabel, and Peten) and Belize (Kaufman 1974, Stewart 1980). 3 Lin ´ guistically, Q’eqchi’ is relatively well described: scholars such as Berinstein (1985), Sedat (1955), Stewart (1980), Stoll (1896), and Chen Cao et al. (1997) have discussed its syntax, morphology, phonology, and lexicon, and I have detailed various morphosyntactic forms (encoding grammatical categories such as mood, status, evidentiality, taxis, and inalienable possession) as they intersect with sociocultural values and contextual features and as they illuminate local modes of personhood (Kockelman 3. Typologically, Q’eqchi’ is a morphologically ergative, head-marking language. In Q’eqchi’, vowel length (signaled by doubling letters) is phonemic; /k/ and /q/ are velar and uvular plosives, respectively, and /x/ and /j/ are palato-alveolar and velar fricatives, respectively. All other phonemes have their standard IPA values. 2002, 2003a, b). This article is therefore part of a larger project in which I examine how intentional and evaluative stances are encoded in natural languages and the relations that such stances bear to local modes of subjectivity. Alta Verapaz, the original center of the Q’eqchi’-speaking people who still make up the majority of its population, has had a unusual history even by Guatemalan standards. In 1537, after the Spanish crown had failed to conquer the indigenous peoples living there, the Dominican Friar Bartolome de Las Casas was permitted to  ´ pacify the area through religious methods. Having succeeded, he changed the name of the area from Tezulutlan (Land of War) to Verapaz (True Peace), and the Dominicans were granted full control over the area—the state banning secular immigration, removing all military colonies, and nullifying previous land grants. In this way, for almost 300 years the area remained an isolated enclave, relatively protected by the paternalism of the church in comparison with other parts of Guatemala (King 1974, Sapper 1985). This ended abruptly in the late 1800s, however, with the advent of coffee growing, liberal reforms, and the inï ¬â€šux of Europeans (Cambranes 1985, Wagner 1996). Divested of their land and forced to work on coffee plantations, the Q’eqchi’ began migrating north into the unpopulated lowland forests of the Peten  ´ and Belize (Adams 1965, Carter 1969, Howard 1975, Kockelman 1999, Pedroni 1991, Saa Vidal 1979, Schwartz 1990, Wilk 1991). In the past 40 years this migration has been fueled by a civil war that has ravaged the Guatemalan countryside, with the Q’eqchi’ ï ¬â€šeeing not just scarce resources and labor quotas but also their own nation’s soldiers—often forcibly conscripted speakers of other Mayan languages (Carmack 1988, IWGIA 1978, Wilson 1995). As a consequence, the past century has seen the Q’eqchi’ population spread from Alta Verapaz to the Peten and ï ¬ nally to Belize, Mexico, and even the  ´ United States. Indeed, although only the fourth largest of some 24 Mayan languages, Q’eqchi’ is thought to have the largest percentage of monolinguals, and the ethnic group is Guatemala’s fastest-growing and most geographically extensive (Kaufman 1974, Stewart 1980). The two key ethnographies of Q’eqchi’-speakers have been written by Wilk (1991) and Wilson (1995), the former treating household ecology in Belize and the latter upheavals in village life and identity at the height of the civil war in highland Guatemala during the 1980s. In addition to these monographs, there are also a number of dissertations and articles on the history (King 1974, Sapper 1985, Wagner 1996), ecology (Carter 1969, Secaira 1992, Wilson 1972), and migration (Adams 1965, Howard 1975, Pedroni 1991) of Q’eqchi’-speaking people. The data for this article are based on almost two years of ethnographic and linguistic ï ¬ eldwork among speakers of Q’eqchi’, most of it in Ch’inahab, a village of some 80 families (around 650 people) in the municipality of San Juan Chamelco, in the department of Alta Verapaz. At an altitude of approximately 2,400 m, Ch’inahab is one of the highest villages in this area, with an annual precipitation of more than 2,000 mm. It is also one of the most remote, access to the closest road requiring a three-hour hike down a steep and muddy single-track trail. Its relatively high altitude and remote location provide the perfect setting for cloud forest, and such a cloud forest provides the perfect setting for the resplendent quetzal, being home to what is thought to be the highest density of such birds in the world. Because of the existence of the quetzal and the cloud forest in which it makes its home, Ch’inahab has been the site of a successful eco-tourism project the conditions and consequences of which are detailed in my dissertation (Kockelman 2002). While the majority of villagers in Ch’inahab are monolingual speakers of Q’eqchi’, some men who have served time in the army or worked as itinerant traders speak some Spanish. All the villagers are Catholic. Ch’inahab is divided by a mountain peak with dwellings on both of its sides and in the surrounding valleys. It takes about 45 minutes to hike across the village. At one end there is a biological station kept by the eco-tourism project and used sporadically by European ecologists, and at the other there is a Catholic church and a cemetery. In the center there is a small store, a school for primary and secondary grades, and a soccer ï ¬ eld. The surrounding landscape is cloud forest giving way to scattered house sites, agricultural parcels, pasture, and ï ¬ elds now fallow. All villagers engage in corn-based, or milpa, agriculture, but very few have enough land to fulï ¬ ll all of their subsistence needs.4 For this reason, many women in the village are dedicated to chicken husbandry, most men in the village engage in seasonal labor on plantations (up to ï ¬ ve months a year in some cases), and many families engage in itinerant trade (women weaving baskets and textiles for the men to sell) and eco-tourism (the women hosting tourists and the men guiding them). Dwelling sites often contain a scattering of houses in which reside an older couple and their married sons, all of whom share a water source and a pasture. The individual families themselves often have two houses, a relatively traditional thatched-roof house in which the family cooks and sleeps and a relatively new house with a tin roof in which they host festivals and in which older children and ecotourists may sleep. Because of eco-tourism and the inï ¬â€šux of money and strangers that it brings, there has been an increase in the construction of such tin-roofed houses, and, as will be seen, many of my examples of interjections come from such construction contexts. My data on the use of interjections among villagers in Ch’inahab comes from 14 months of ï ¬ eldwork carried out between 1998 and 2001. The data collection con4. Before 1968, what is now Ch’inahab was owned by the owner of a plantation. Q’eqchi’-speakers who lived in the village of Popobaj (located to the south of and lower than Ch’inahab) were permitted to make their milpa in this area in exchange for two weeks of labor per month on the ï ¬ nca (Secaira 1992:20). Only in 1968, when a group of villagers got together to form a land acquisition committee, were some 15 caballerÄ ±as (678 ha) of land purchased from the owner  ´ for 4,200 quetzals (US$4,200). This land, while legally owned by the entire community, was divided among the original 33 villagers as a function of their original contributions.

Impact of martin luther king on civil rights Essay

Eyes on the Prize, American’s Civil Rights years, 1954-1965, Juan Williams Eyes on the Prize, Juan Williams On the bus boycott â€Å"When the trial of the boycott leaders began in Alabama, the national press got its first good look at Martin Luther King Jr., the first defendant. Four days later, King was found guilty. The sentence was a $500 fine and court costs, or 386 days of hard labour. The judge explained that he had imposed this minimal penalty† because King had promoted non-violence. King was released on bond; his indictment and conviction became front-page news across the nation† Eyes on the Prize, Juan Williams, pg 130 from an Interview with Diane Nash who led the campaign to desegregate the lunch counters of Nashville’s department stores ‘I think it’s really important that young people understand that the movement of the sixties was really a people’s movement. The media and history seem to record it as Martin Luther King’s movement, but young people just like them, their age, that formulated goals and strategies, and actually developed the movement.â⠂¬  pg195 â€Å"Kennedy delivered a new civil rights bill to Congress on June 19. Stronger than the bill that had died in Congress at the beginning of the year, the new bill would outlaw segregation in all interstate public accommodations, allow the attorney general to initiate suits for school integration, and give the attorney general the important power to shut off funds to any federal programs in which discrimination occurred. It also contained a provision that helped ensure the right to vote by declaring that a person who had a sixth-grade education would be presumed to be literate. King, the SCLC, CORE the NAACP, SNCC, and other civil rights groups had no intention of allowing this bill to die in Congress. To demonstrate the strength of public demand for this legislation, they would march on Washington. pg262 â€Å"On February 4 the militant Black Muslim minister Malcolm X came to speak in Selma at the invitation of SNCC. At first, King’s colleagues feared that the controversial leader might incite the local people and jeopardise King’s control of the movement. King was still in jail was Malcolm X told a capacity crowd at Brown’s Chapel that â€Å"the white people should thank Dr King  for holding people in check, for there are other (black leaders) who do not believe in these (nonviolent) measures.† Access to History – Civil Rights 1945-1968 â€Å"Birmingham was the first time that King had really led the movement†¦.’There never was more skilful manipulation of the media than there was in Birmingham,’ said a leading SCLC staffer. While little changed in Birmingham, SCLC had shown America that Southern segregation was very unpleasant†¦In the summer of 1963 protests throughout the South owed inspiration to Birmingham. King had shown that he could lead from the front and force desegregation, if through rather artificially engineered violence.† â€Å"The historian Stephen Oates described Selma as ‘the movement’s finest hour. King thought the national criticism of ‘Bloody Sunday’ was ‘a shining moment in the conscience of man. There were sympathetic interracial marches in cities such as Chicago, Detroit, New York and Boston. Johnson and Congress probably would not have delivered the Voting Rights Act without Selma.† â€Å"The best way to judge his significance might be to look at what followed his death: the national direct action phase of the civil rights movement died with him. The Poor People’s Campaign fizzled out under his successor Ralph Abernathy. Without King SCLC collapsed. However it is not certain that the civil rights movement would have progressed any further had King lived. We have seen that King failed in Chicago. Other black activists were becoming more impatient and their frequent extremism was important in generating a white backlash.† â€Å"If King had never lives, the black struggle would have followed a course of development similar to the one it did. The Montgomery bus boycott would have occurred, because King did not initiate it. Black students†¦had sources of tactical and ideological inspiration besides King.† Professor Claybourne Carson – Access to History â€Å"Whites and blacks became increasingly critical of him. When he toured riot-stricken Cleveland, Ohio, black teenagers mocked and ignored him. He knew he has raised their hopes but failed to fulfil them. Many blacks thought him too moderate.† â€Å"King admitted that SCLC achieved little in the three years after Montgomery. Then the civil rights movement exploded into life again in February 1960. Initially King had nothing to do with it†¦When  a Greensboro SCLC members contacted him, King quickly arrived to encourage the students and assure them of full SCLC support, saying ‘What is new in your fight it the fact that it was initiated, fed, and sustained by students.’ Atlanta students persuaded King to join them in sit-ins. As in Montgomery, King was led rather than leading.† Adam Fairclough, Better Day Coming. Blacks and Equality, 1890-2000 (Penguin, 2001) ‘In some ways it was the obstinacy of the whites in Montgomery, not the deliberate planning of the blacks, that turned the boycott into an international cause cà ©là ¨bre. After all, blacks in Montgomery asked only for a fairer application of â€Å"separate but equal,† not an end to segregation itself†¦ In a similar way, Martin Luther King Jr., only emerged as the symbol of the protest when whites began to persecute him. Whites calculated that by breaking King, they could break the boycott; instead they made King a martyr, a hero, and the outstanding symbol of black resistance.’ (227-228) ‘The sit-in movement made a massive dent in the structure of segregation. In the Deep South, crushed by violence and arrests, they failed to integrate lunch counters. But in the upper South, and in the â€Å"rim South† states of Florida and Texas, they proved effective. The disruption caused by the sit-ins themselves, and the economic impact of consumer boycotts, hurt the dime stores: the profits of Woolworth, the main target, plummeted. Downtown merchants as a group also suffered. The cash-register logic of the sit-ins proved hard to resist: on March 19, 1960, San Antonio, Texas, became the first city in the South to desegregate its lunch counters; Nashville did so in May; by the end of the year, store owners in at least eighty towns and cities had agreed to serve blacks.’ (245) ‘The force of the 1963 demonstrations so surprised and disturbed white Americans that the Kennedy administration decided to fundamentally revise its approach to the civil rights question. The nonviolent revolt had riveted the attention of the nation onto the South, revealing the underlying ugliness of the Jim Crow system. The federal government realized that segregation was destabilizing the South and embarrassing the United States in the eyes of the world. The government also worried that racial conflict and violence might engulf the entire nation.’ (279) William H. Chafe, Raymond Gavins and Robert Korstad (eds), Remembering Jim Crow: African Americans Tell About Life in the Segregated South (The New Press, 2001) Mai Young on the inequalities in segregated education: ‘Lots of these youngsters now don’t remember. They really don’t. You tell them things that happened, they just can’t believe it. That’s why they can’t appreciate Martin Luther King because they don’t know what happened. They really don’t know what happened during those days. Hard to visualize it.’ (187) Charles Gratton: ‘To challenge white people was just the wrong thing to do. You just automatically grow up inferior, and you had the feeling that white people were better than you†¦ Most blacks in the South felt that way until the late fifties and sixties when Dr. [Martin Luther] King [Jr.] come along with his philosophy, and it started giving black people some hope that the way we were being treated wasn’t right and this thing can change. Just some hope that we were waiting on. Whenever I would hear Dr. King talk, it seemed like he was touching me from the inside. He could touch your feeling from the inside, things that you would want to say but you just didn’t know how, things that were right and wrong but you kept inside of you because you didn’t know how to express it. So he was a really good leader and a great man, and I think he done a wonderful job in what he done for our people as a whole.’ (8) Howell Raines, My Soul is Rested: Movement Days in the Deep South Remembered (Penguin Books, 1977) Franklin McCain (involved in student sit-ins): ‘We knew that probably the most powerful and potent weapon that people have literally no defense for is love, kindness. That is, whip the enemy with something that he doesn’t understand.’ Raines: ‘How much was the example of Dr. King and the Montgomery Bus Boycott on your mind in that regard?’ McCain: ‘Not very much. The individual who had probably most influence on us was Gandhi, more than any single individual. During the time that the Montgomery Bus Boycott was in effect, we were tots for the most part, and we barely heard of Martin Luther King. Yes, Martin Luther King’s name was well-known when the sit-in movement was in effect, but to pick out Martin Luther King as a hero†¦ I don’t want you to misunderstand what I’m about to say: Yes, Martin Luther King was a hero†¦ No, he was not the individual that we had upmost in mind when we started the sit-in movement.’ (79) Laurie Pritchett (police chief of Albany Georgia in 1961): ‘They came to Montgomery, and I was in Montgomery when they marched there†¦ I will never forget one day there I heard the clap, it sounded like thunder, and we looked up, and it was the sheriff’s posse on those horses, and the sparks were flyin’ off of the shoes as they came down the street. And they went into the crowd with bull whips, they run up on the porches†¦ some of the horses were cut at, which I can’t much blame the people. But this created that problem there, and, as I stated before, Dr. King, when he left Albany, in his own words and in the words of the New York Heral Tribune, was a defeated man. In my opinion, right or wrong, if Birmingham had reacted as Albany, Georgia did†¦ theyd never got to Selma. Dr. King, through his efforts, was instrumental in passin’ the Public Accommodations [Act] but the people that were most responsible was â€Å"Bull† Connor and Sheriff Clark†¦Ã¢â‚¬â„¢ (366) Taylor Branch, Parting the Waters The SNCC leaders were in a bind. They wanted a â€Å"people’s movement,† like SNCC itself, and yet without King, the Wells march had had little impact on the outside world, and without such impact it was nearly impossible to inspire more of Albany’s ordinary people to take up the crusade. What they needed was the use of King’s influence without his suffocating glory, and it was all the more galling that they were obliged to ask to King to reform himself accordingly – Taylor Branch, Parting the Waters, p. 614 As President Kennedy and the Attorney General had anxiously awaited the outcome of the showdown with Governor Wallace, a telegram came in from Martin Luther King on the â€Å"beastly conduct of law enforcement officers at Danville.† Asserting once again that â€Å"the Negro’s endurance may be at breaking point,† King implored the Administration to seek a â€Å"just and moral† solution†¦. Given his recent sensitiv ity to King’s opinions, these urgings may have influenced President Kennedy’s extraordinary decision to make†¦ a civil rights address on national television.† Taylor Branch, Parting the Waters, p. 823 Professor Eleanor Holmes Norton, â€Å"reviewing Parting the Waters†, in the New York Times, November 27th 1988 http://www.nytimes.com/books/98/12/06/specials/branch-waters.html By the  time Mr. Branch left home to attend the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in 1964, †the people I met were already more interested in Vietnam.† In his view, however, †the civil rights movement was why they cared about Vietnam.† It was King and others, he believes, who first opened the door for his generation to †look at the world from a moral perspective. It occurred to me that the most fundamental political questions were, in fact, moral questions.† It was the awareness of those moral questions that steered Mr. Branch away from his premed major in college and toward political philosophy and an eventual writing career. In †Parting the Waters† Mr. Branch aims to re-create for others the same sense of King as a man of power and complexity that he experienced in his college years. †King was considered passe by 1966, even before people like Stokely Carmichael; he was considered almost an Uncle Tom. I knew there was something wrong with that attitude. If he was that shallow, then how did I get here?’ The autobiography of Martin Luther King, JR. Edited by Clayborne Carson, published in 1999 In 1960 an electrifying movement of Negro students shattered the placid surface of campuses and communities across the South. The young students of the South, through sit-ins and other demonstrations, gave America a glowing example of disciplined, dignified nonviolent action against the system of segregation. Though confronted in many places by hoodlums, police guns, tear gas, arrests, and jail sentences, the students tenaciously continued to sit down and demand equal service at variety store lunch counters, and they extended their protest from city to city. Spontaneously born, but guided by the theory of nonviolent resistance, the lunch counter sit-ins accomplished integration in hundreds of communities at the swiftest range of change in the civil rights movement up to that time. This was the time of our greatest stress [when the children were used in Birmingham], and the courage and conviction of those students and adults made it our finest hour. We did not fight back, but we did not turn back. We did not give way to bitterness. Some few spectators, who had not been trained in the discipline of nonviolence, reacted to the brutality of the policemen by throwing rocks and bottles. But the demonstrators remained nonviolent. In the face of this resolution and bravery, the moral conscience of the nation was deeply stirred, and all over the country, our fight became  the fight of decent Americans of all races and creeds. Selma brought us a voting rights bill, and it also brought us the grand alliance of the children of light in this nation and made possible changes in our political and economic life heretofore undreamed of. With President Johnson, SCLC viewed the Voting Rights Act of 1965 as ‘one of the most monumental laws in the history of American freedom’. We had a federal law which could be used, and use it we would. Where it fell short, we had our tradition of struggle and the method of nonviolent direct action, and these we would use. Hodgson, Godfrey (2009) Martin Luther King, Quercus p. 5 The speech was at once sermon and political argument. He was talking to several audiences at once. He was directly addressing the thousands who were there in front of him in Washington’s Mall. Over their heads he was reaching out to southern blacks and northern whites, to the tens of millions of undecided white Americans, willing to be persuaded that the time was ripe to end the embarrassing southern folkways of segregation, yet reluctant to be carried away on radical paths. He was reaching out to the powerless in southern plantations and the angry in northern ghettos, and most of all to the powerful, only just beyond the reach of his voice a mile or so up the Mall on Capitol Hill. So he wove together difference languages for different listeners. He borrowed the emotional power of the Old Testament with an echo of the stately music of Handel’s Messiah. He also appealed to the sacred texts of the American secular religion, echoing the grand simplicities of Jefferson†™s Declaration of Independence and Lincoln’s Gettysburg address. p. 67 Seven years after the Brown judgement, progress for black people was still frustratingly difficult. To be sure, although the white South, or at least most of its leaders in the Deep South, had said ‘Never!’ to school desegregation, schools had begun to desegregate, especially after President Eisenhower’s reluctant decision†¦to send in the 101st Airborne Division to protect nine black children admitted by court order to Central High School  in Little Rock, Arkansas. Around the edges, the segregated south was shrinking. p. 75 second paragraph The Southern Christian Leadership Conference found itself, almost immediately after its foundation, the third major Negro organisation [the other two were NAACP and National Urban League]. It was southern, it was dominated by ministers, especially but not entirely Baptists, and it had the advantage of being led by someone as gifted, as dynamic and as well known nationally as Martin Luther King Jr. It lacked the membership and financial strength of the two older organisations, as well as suffering from less obvious disadvantages. King was an inspiring leader and, if pointed in the right direction, an effective fundraiser. But he was neither a particularly good administrator, nor especially interested in administration. p. 79 The freedom rides represented a new and hard test for Martin Luther King. More than once the SNCC demonstrators raised, directly and in the most personal terms, the question of his personal courage. He argued, and Wyatt Walker argued for him, that he must stay out of jail to raise money, to direct the movement and to lead his people. He was on probation, he said. They said they were on probation too. They expected him to go with them. When, on May 27 in Montgomery, he refused to join them on the bus to Mississippi, he said he must choose ‘the where and when of his own Golgotha’. They accused him flatly of cowardice. King had already shown, and would show again and again, that he was no coward. But he did not want to be told when and where he should risk his liberty and his life by a group of passionately committed by somewhat unfriendly students. The freedom rides no only marked a widening gap between King and the students, which grew into institutional rivalry between the SCLC and SNCC and raised deep and dangerous disagreements about the tactics and the strategy of the movement; they also prefigured the way the struggle would develop over the next five years, and set the course for the rest of his life. p. 82 From the spring of 1961, King found himself between two fires. He had to deal, now , not only with the intransigence of southern white segregationists, but with the impatience and suspicion of young Negroes who  wanted to go faster than he was yet ready to go.

The Industrial Revolution Occurred - Free Essay Example

Sample details Pages: 6 Words: 1927 Downloads: 9 Date added: 2019/05/07 Category History Essay Level High school Topics: Industrial Revolution Essay Did you like this example? The Industrial Revolution The Industrial Revolution occurred in Britain between the eighteenth and nineteenth century. Its characterized by the transition from an old to new process of manufacturing. It was a period during which predominantly agrarian, rural societies in Europe and America became industrial and urban. Prior to this revolution, manufacturing was often done in peoples homes, using hand tools or basic machines. Industrialization marked a shift to powered, special-purpose machinery, factories and mass production. (Heller 176) Although prior revolutions such as the French Revolution had a significant impact on our society, none of them drastically changed the way we produced and handled the manufacturing world in the way the Industrial Revolution changed it when it first began its process in Britain. For this reason, the Industrial Revolution resulted in one of the most profound and far-reaching changes in the history of our society. This revolution was responsible for changing thoughts, creating technology, urbanizing countries, and improving workers conditions among Europe, as well as the entire globe. Don’t waste time! Our writers will create an original "The Industrial Revolution Occurred" essay for you Create order Britain was the foundation for the start of this revolution. During the eighteenth century, the country had a strong combination of natural, economic, and cultural resources. The small and secure island nation had a robust empire and a significant control over crucial lanes across the oceans. It had ample supplies of coal, rivers, and well-developed network of canals. Furthermore, Great Britain had the most commercialized agriculture system among any other country. They had transformed their style with new techniques, new crops, and the enclosure of fields and pastures, which turned smallholdings into a large fenced tract that were privately owned and individually managed by commercial landlords. By the second half of the eighteenth century, the British Parliament had encouraged enclosure with a series of bills, since commercialized agriculture was more productive and yielded more food for a growing and increasingly urban population. However, the concentration of property in fewer hands drove small farmers off the land, sending them to look for work in other sectors of the company. Additionally, commercialized agriculture produced higher profits, which would be invested in the industry in the future. Although all of those are key factors, industrialization wouldnt be possible without Britains growing supply of available capital in the forms of private wealth, well-developed banking, and credit institutions. Due to the simple process of transferring money and goods, London became the leading center for international trade. Furthermore, the city was a headquarter for the transfer of raw materials, capital, and manufactured products throughout the world. (Cole, Joshua Symes, Carol 623) With all this by their side, Britain became the perfect environment to start a process as large and important as the Industrial Revolution. The Industrial Revolution has two phases, one is social, concerning the making of men. The other is material, concerning the making of things. This time period created the idea that a mans work and the conditions under which its work is performed are significant factors when it comes to determine his character and his actions. For this reason, the process changed the way of production, so it wouldnt consume all human energy and it would allow men to have time to focus on building themselves and organizing their life. (Beard, Charles 2) During this period, the pursuit of wealth was perceived to be a worthy goal. British aristocrats respected those who were able to make money, and their desire to enclose their land reflected a great interest in commercialization and investment. The barriers between merchants and the rural elite were slowly being broken. One big demonstration of this is illustrated by many of the entrepreneurs during the early Industrial Revolution came from the small gentry or independent farmer class. Thus, the growing domestic and international markets made Britain a prosperous country with voracious consumers. (Cole, Joshua Symes, Carol 624) Consequently, men became producers resulting in the creation and improvement of the means around them. From the standpoint of achievement by brain and hand, the Industrial Revolution possesses a long-lasting and continuously increasing fascination. (Beard, Charles 3) During the 1760s, one-third of the employees in England worked in the field of agriculture. A large portion of those workers that engaged in regular manufacturing industries continued to work in the field during certain portions of the year. Although this area of work contributed to a great part of the populations jobs, none of the great mechanical inventions had been introduced yet. For instance, machinery had not yet been employed into manufacturing to any great extent. (Toynbee, Arnold 7) Therefore, land was being wasted due to low productivity and the need for a new process was constantly increasing. For this reason, even before the Industrial Revolution began, agriculture had already been through extensive improvements in their methods. These improvements were mostly brought on by the landed gentry who had acquired knowledge of experimental farming. (Beard, Charles 6) Consequently, many believe agriculture had an initial economic stimulus for the followed economic growth and the Industrial Revolution. Others argue there is no reason to believe that the changes in the agriculture output in the 1740s was an enough cause either the surge of economic growth or the Industrial Revolution. Regardless of whether agriculture was what started the process, it was a key factor for this period of revolution. (Thompson, Allan 45) It supplied raw materials, provided food, contributed to new jobs, and created investable funds that helped with the constant advance of industrialization and the urbanization of the economy. Additionally, with the increase of incomes, the growth of agricultural productivity allowed consumers to purchase more quantities of manufactured goods and services stimulating the economy. (OBrien, Patrick 773) The industrial development had significant impacts to the world, some positives and other negatives. With Britains high standard of living, the population growth rate started accelerating in drastic ways. Not only Britain, but the entire continent of Europe felt this change. This is because populations began a gradual shift from high fertility and high mortality to lower death rates and fewer births. According to social scientists, this is a process called demographic transition. This happened due the improvement of medicine and new conditions of work that were brought with the new ideas of this time period. For example, the spread of rural manufacturing allowed couples to marry and settle down at a younger age, resulting in an increased number of births and larger family sizes. Not only did the age of marriage fall but more people started getting married. Thus, population growth increased the amount of young and fertile people. This process only reinforced itself for future generations, creating a period of constant growth. It was not till the twentieth century that this process of demographic dynamism in Europe finally began to stabilize, since families became more conscious about the number of children they had. (Cole, Joshua Symes, Carol 638) Furthermore, the Industrial Revolution also affected other areas. One of its most significant contributions to the nineteenth century was the urbanization of Europe. By the end of the nineteenth century, the overall population of Europe doubled; meanwhile the percentage of those living in the cities tripled. Due to this rapidly and unorganized growth, almost all cities during that period were overcrowded and unhealthy. Additionally, their infrastructures were still medieval and demanded a greater industrialization to satisfy the population. Men and women who had come to the cities in order to provide to their families were being forced to live in temporary lodging houses because the constructions didnt meet the needs necessary for the population growth. (Cole, Joshua Symes, Carol 642) These poor living conditions were not only a discomfort for those in the cities, but also a safety hazard. There was no proper disposal of trash resulting in it usually being left on the floor to ferment and rot, threatening the health of the entire town. As a result, governments started taking actions in an attempt to provide some order into the urban areas and prevent the spread of epidemics. The goal was to improve sanitary conditions by supplying both water and drainage. That being said, these projects didnt go as expected. Paris, that received the best supply of water, only had enough for two baths per person in the time of a year. Meanwhile, in London, human waste was not collected in 250,000 domestic cesspools. With this, Europe faced a horrific problem that required strong government imposition and that would take time to finally settle in order to create a safe and welcoming environment. (Cole, Joshua Symes, Carol 643) Moreover, the revolution brought important changes to the way labor was seen and imposed. With new business being introduced to the market, the need for employees increased and there were a large amount of people willing to work resulting in a low minimum wage, as well as poor work conditions. However, the constant growth of the population and the spread of news being more easily accessible to the public, resulted in the working class eventually protesting for their rights. Citizens started questioning the hierarchy inside the capitalist production and how much power over its workers could a boss hold. According to Karl Marx, one of the most important figures during this time period were protests because it tended to force the development of capitalism. (Heller, Henry 189) Marx believed the machine and factory aspects of the Industrial Revolution were the leading factor of a new era that made possible the expansion of manufacturing, providing the transformation of the ways of production. It was through these means that the image of the industrial capitalist was created, who commanded the work force and dominated this new age. (Heller, Henry 190) For instance, great movements regarding womens rights took place during this time period. Before industrialization, the areas where a woman could work were very limited. As industrialization began more visible, womens job opportunities continued to be a problem. However, womens work became more known, and so did the inequalities they faced. Domestic service carried a big problem during that time. According to various testimonies, single women in the working area had to deal with very low wages and coercive sexual relationships with male employers or their sons. During this time, it was quite impossible for a single lady to be able to sustain herself. Consequently, they were faced with limited options: marriage, which was unlikely to happen right away; renting a room in a boardinghouse, where you would usually have centers of prostitution; or deal with the unethical conditions of domestic service. Due to this injustice, woman started questioning their rights, which contributed to the future womens suffrage movements that emerged during the late nineteenth century. (Cole, Joshua Symes, Carol 654) All things considered, its clear that the Industrial Revolution was indeed a key factor to many improvements and movements that occurred in Europe after the nineteenth century. The arrival of new technologies created new opportunities for the working class and provided space for new creations necessary for future advances within several working areas. Furthermore, the revolution was responsible for a rapid increase on Europes population and its urbanization. Due to the unexpected growth, severe government assistance was required to properly build the cities and make sure the countries were building a safe environment for their citizens. Additionally, this time period was the basis for the rise of movements about human rights and it contributed to the new ideas about the conditions of work. As well it outlined the inequalities faced between men and women regarding salaries and labor opportunities. For these reasons, the Industrial Revolution is one of the most impactful processes that has happened during the history of our society.